Santorum’s Rise: the Republicans’ Fall

Statistics from the recent Iowa GOP caucus revealed Mitt Romney and Rick Santorum to be in the lead, with a disparity of a mere eight votes separating the first and second place candidates. But statistics are but numbers and do not reveal the true victor of the GOP contenders’ cage-fight debates. The true GOP victor is not the newly ‘reborn’ Rick Santorum; it is not former President Bill Clinton’s congressional adversary, Newt Gingrich; it is not the neo-John Winthrop of contemporary Massachusetts, Mitt Romney, either.

The true victor? Obama. Indeed, the view from the White House looks electorally fortuitous. Despite a low approval rating surfing around 42% (Gallup.com), Obama may have the upper-hand in the 2012 presidential elections as the beneficiary of a split right-wing vote. Two decades ago, when the senior George W. Bush attempted his reelection as president, Ross Perot’s conservative independent candidacy divided the right-wing vote, subsequently allowing Democratic Bill Clinton to break the successful conservative legacy created by Ronald Reagan. Even with talks of the hitherto declining and ‘forgetful’ Rick Perry running as an independent candidate, proclaiming a literally divided vote as in 1992 seems far-stretched. More likely, however, may be an out-of-touch, overly radical Republican candidate as a whole.

But how? For one, many analysts and individuals like to focus in on the main ‘anchors’ of the GOP presidential contenders, namely Mitt Romney, Ron Paul, and Newt Gingrich – the already well established and usually well (poll-wise) performing candidates. But the Iowa caucus has proven one significant plus for Obama: the GOP’s nomination is still up for grabs, an impetus for further competition. Rick Santorum was relatively a nobody, trailing behind the main anchors of the GOP with poll ratings not even in the double digits. For him to come second, and by a paltry eight votes too, shows that even for the underdogs, the coveted Republican nomination is up for grabs; the ‘anchors’ of the GOP may not individually hold the political muscle they are thought to have.

Thus far, the competition has unleashed devastating effects for many of the candidates, and as one candidate after another gets slammed, the others recoup to reclaim their shot. Newt Gingrich’s brief rise was followed by negative ad campaigns and questioning over past consulting work. Herman Cain’s lead over even Romney was followed by a crippling affair scandal (although Cain has since then suspended his bid). With each case, former supporters of one candidate swing over with little hesitation, rousing up competitors’ optimism. This newfound determination and hope adds fire to an already hot GOP contest. Santorum’s near-victory in Iowa surged nearly two million dollars in fundraising in two days (CNN.com), indicating that there is newfound trust and belief behind the neophyte senator.
Ultimately, no matter how much rhetoric comes to pass in support of Santorum, his bid is still up in the air; the Republican Party has tended to favor its more experienced comrades in the past, and Santorum’s two million dollars is petty-change compared to Romney’s $32.2 million (ABCnews.go). But Santorum’s new stardom will bring about even more negative inter-GOP rhetoric for the nomination, it will bring out or create more scandals, and, more importantly on the long run, it will push the candidates further right to woo their party for the nomination.

On the faithful day when the smoke clears for a clear GOP presidential candidate, it may be too late to for the Republicans to center up and get the American people’s moderate vote.
Indeed, score one, Obama.

Stand by democracy in Pakistan, Mrs. Clinton!

If the U.S. is floundering in a region hosting some of the world’s most dangerous religious extremists, a leading cause is the tribe of “South-Asia experts” nestling comfortably in think tanks, government agencies, and university departments across the U.S. Almost all of them have been apologists for the Pakistan army, as even a cursory reading of their published works during the previous three decades would testify. For years, these analysts and scholars have fed off the disinformation abundant in the ISI trough. Even after 9/11, when the BJP-led government then ruling New Delhi offered Washington an alliance against Wahabbi terror, these “experts” ensured that the offer got spurned, and that once again, the Pakistan army was entrusted with the job of guarding the chicken coop. Unfortunately for U.S. interests, the Clintons’ share with the Bushes’ and the Cheneys’  enormous faith in the “South-Asia” experts who evolved from the crucible of the Cold War, when India leant towards the USSR while the Pakistan army was an alliance partner, albeit on its own terms.

 What those in charge of the formulation of policy towards Pakistan have consistently failed to factor in is the contradiction between a stable Pakistan and a strong military.”South-Asia” experts in the U.S. have been voluble in their claim that it is the military that is imparting stability to Pakistan, and have been dismissive of the few who have pointed out that the reverse is the case. That instability in Pakistan is caused by the bloated power of the military, principally the army, which controls domestic and foreign policy within Pakistan to the same degree as the junta in Myanmar did before the last election.

It is the irredentist adventurism of the Pakistan military and its nurturing of terrorism as a strategy of war that has combined with its Wahabbi outlook and its huge demands on the economy to steadily bring Pakistan to the edge of collapse. Although the “experts” favored by successive U.S. administrations may not be aware of this, the reality is that the Pakistan army is involved in a host of criminal activities, including the transport and refining of narcotics, counterfeiting of currency, and the training of extremist groups. Sadly, all this has been facilitated by the U.S. policy of (effectively) unconditional support for the Pakistan army.

 This is not the occasion to recite a litany of the policy errors made by the Clinton administration in South Asia, except to point out to a grievous error of judgment made by the Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton in 2009, when she secretly joined hands with the Chief of Army Staff Parvez Ashfaq Kayani in forcing the Zardari-Gilani civilian government in Pakistan to reinstate the dismissed Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Choudhury. At that time, this columnist had warned that this move would neuter the efforts of the Zardari-Gilani duo to establish civilian supremacy over the military. And unless this is done, there is zero prospect of a “stable” Pakistan. The military is the wild card in the pack that has ceaselessly fomented a jihadist mentality within Pakistan society, and has created conditions that have led to contempt for democracy within the establishment in that country.

 Secretary of State Clinton has not hidden her antipathy for the President of Pakistan, nor her backing of the Chief of Army Staff.

Perhaps the “South-Asia experts” she relies on for guidance have not told her that General Kayani comes from a fundamentalist background: one that is almost completely Wahabbi. Or that throughout his career he has been a votary of the Zia Doctrine of the unity of jihadis with the Pakistan army. In contrast, while President Zardari shares with Bill Clinton a propensity for making overtures towards seductive females, he comes from a Sufi background, one where there is zero space for religious extremism. Indeed, the ethos of the Zardari family is even more moderate than that of the Bhuttos, whose apparent lack of fundamentalist beliefs cloaks a vacuum in religious attitude that was filled by a pseudo-western lifestyle. The Zardaris are religious, but in the Sufi rather than the Tablighi tradition favored by Kayani

This being the case, Asif Ali Zardari has from the start shown his willingness to take on the Pakistan military and cleanse it of extremists and their sympathizers. Instead of assisting him in this task, the Obama administration drove a dagger into its heart by conniving at the re-instatement of Iftikhar Choudhury as Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) in 2009. While there has been a much effusive comment about the “corruption-fighting” credentials of the CJP, what the U.S. “South-Asia experts” have failed to mention is the fact that Choudhury has not a word to say against an institution that is among the most corrupt in South Asia, which is the Pakistan army. The generals, as also lower-level staff, wallow in graft, to be met by a Nelson’s eye from the Chief Justice, who is equally indulgent towards Mian Nawaz Sharif of the Pakistan Muslim League, whose family leapfrogged from poverty to plenty within a generation by use of methods that defy characterization as ethical or legal. The U.S.-facilitated re-instatement of Choudhury has turned out to be a disaster for democracy in Pakistan, because of the CJP’s obsession with ensuring the dismissal of the elected PPP-led civilian government in Pakistan. Once Kayani got his man in as Chief Justice, and forced through an extension to his tenure as COAS (again with help from Washington), he became even more open in implementing the policy that has been his signature tune since the time he took over as chief of the army.

 This is to do to NATO in Afghanistan what the Pakistan army did to the USSR during the 1980s, ensure defeat. It is no secret that China has entered the Great Game as a major player, or that Beijing is adopting the same strategy in Afghanistan that the U.S. followed two decades ago, which is to use the Pakistan army to ensure the defeat of rival militaries active in the Afghan theater. In 1998, this columnist first mentioned that China was more influential among the senior levels of the Pakistan military than the U.S. This and pointing out the Punjabi domination of the army earned him an effort from Pervez Musharraf to block him from writing in the Times of India. The Pakistan strongman complained to the former Times of India Editorial Director Dileep Padgaonkar about the unflattering comments (though accurate) being made about the Pakistan army and asked why “such writing was being tolerated by the newspaper”. Today, the most recent Kayani visit to Beijing, and his long meetings with Xi Jinping, Wen Jiabao, and other top Communist Party leaders have made clear that Beijing supports the brass in Pakistan in its struggle with the civilian establishment. After all, it is the Pakistan army that is expected to ensure that NATO leave Afghanistan in disgrace by 2014.

 This is the precise reason why President Obama and Secretary of State Clinton need to avoid repeating their 2009 mistake (of backing Kayani over Zardari), and instead support the civilian establishment in Pakistan. If President Zardari and Prime Minister Gilani are given backing from the U.S. and the rest of NATO, they can resume the task that was aborted in 2009, which is to de-radicalize the Pakistan army and make it a professional force that would battle terror groups rather than nourish them.

Pakistan’s internal turmoil

Despairing at the role played by the Pakistan army in meddling in the country’s politics and governance in the context of the ‘memogate’ scandal, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani called the army a ‘state within a state’. A few days later he termed the army Chief and DG ISI’s replies sent to the Supreme Court unconstitutional and dismissed Lt Gen Khalid Naeem Lodhi (Retd), the Defence Secretary. The army retaliated and Pakistan is again in full blown political and constitutional crisis – even as the internal security situation continues to deteriorate.

The history of civil-military relations in Pakistan is not very encouraging. The military jackboot has ridden roughshod over Pakistan’s polity for most of the country’s history since its independence. While Generals Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, Zia ul Haq and Musharraf ruled directly as Presidents or Chief Martial Law Administrators, the other army chiefs achieved perfection in the fine art of backseat driving. The army repeatedly took over the reins of administration under the guise of the ‘doctrine of necessity’ and, in complete disregard of international norms of jurisprudence, Pakistan’s Supreme Court merrily played along.

The army ensured that Pakistan’s fledgling democracy was never allowed to flourish. The roots of authoritarianism in Pakistan can be traced back to Ayub Khan who promoted the idea of ‘guided’ or ‘controlled’ democracy. The concept of the ‘Troika’ soon emerged as a power sharing arrangement between the President, the Prime Minister and the Chief of the Army Staff (COAS). The ‘political militarism’ of the Pakistan army imposed structural constraints on the institutionalisation of democratic norms in the civil society.

Some key national policies have always been dictated by the army. Only the army can determine Pakistan’s national security threats and challenges and decide how to deal with them. Pakistan’s policy on Afghanistan and Jammu and Kashmir is guided by the army and the rapprochement process with India cannot proceed without its concurrence. The army controls Pakistan’s nuclear weapons programme. The civilian government has no role to play in deciding the doctrine, force structures, targeting policies and command and control. The army Chief controls the Inter Services Intelligence Directorate (ISI) and decides the annual defence expenditure.

The politico-military standoff within Pakistan following the ‘memogate’ scandal threatens the continuation in office of the weak civilian government. To cap it all, the economy is in a serious mess – the funds are low, the debts are high, exports have dwindled to a trickle and the rupee has fallen to all time low of 90 rupees to a dollar. Pakistan has become a rentier state that is dependent on U.S. largesse to meet its obligations for the repayment of its burgeoning debt.

The only conclusion that can be drawn is that Pakistan is headed towards a dangerous denouement.  The likelihood of a military coup is being openly discussed again despite Kayani’s unequivocal denial of any such plans. Pakistan cannot survive as a coherent nation state unless the army gives up its agenda of seeking strategic depth in Afghanistan, attempting to destabilise India through its nefarious proxy war and stopping its meddling in politics. The army must pull itself up by the bootstraps and substantively enhance its capacity to conduct effective counter-insurgency operations.

The Pakistan army has let down Pakistan and must make amends. In the national interest, the army must give up being a state within a state and accept civilian control, even if it does so with bad grace.

Turning Up The Heat

In 2010 India’s Prime Minister Manmohan Singh unveiled the Jawaharlal Nehru Solar Mission with the aim of raising India’s solar power output from 170 megawatts to 20,000MW by 2022. While the project will be a major initiative to help safeguard India’s energy security and international climate commitments, the Solar Mission has been set up to help formulate policy and logistical conditions which will enable the streamlining of renewable technology penetration in India at both the state and local levels.  To this end, the government has mandated that photovoltaic cells and modules must be sourced domestically, and that at least 30% of advanced power systems be made by domestic manufacturers.

This caveat has been received with some disfavor by the present American administration.  In the 1960s and 1970s during the heyday of the state protection Raj India missed out on the global boom in semiconductor manufacturing, which reaped vast rewards for Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea as engines to building a high-skilled domestic manufacturing base.  Yet with forward five year GDP growth forecasted at over 6% per annum, and a national electricity deficit of over 10% of daily demand, there will be vast opportunities for both domestic and foreign solar module makers over the next ten years for projects both covered and not covered by the mission.  India’s latest budget has also encouraged foreign solar companies by lowering customs duty on solar panels by 5% and exempting excise duty on solar photovoltaic panels.

India has available sunlight capacity of over 300 days per year, a significant geographical base for technological deployment, the world’s largest consumer base and one of the world’s largest aggregate growth rates for the perceivable future.  State governments in Gujarat, Karnataka, and Rajasthan are already planning deployment of new energy resources with a mix of conventional and renewable projects in mind, with developers free to source material and technology from wherever they choose.  With prices of photovoltaic panels falling globally, American technology providers should look to India to soak up excess capacity.

America & India – Political Look Back at 2011 and Ahead to 2012-2020

This past year has been politically eventful for both and India. Next year promises to be even more so.  While the events might look different, the same macro forces are driving the events in our opinion.

America

As we enter 2012, all eyes are focused on the Iowa Caucus on January 3. This is the first round of the uniquely American game of choosing a nominee to challenge the incumbent for the Presidency of the United States.

Look back to this time last year. The Republican party had won a huge victory in the November 2010 elections and seized political control of the House of Representatives. Their momentum was acknowledged by President Obama who moved to strike a compromise with the Republicans to extend the Bush tax cuts. This mood did not last long.

It was followed by a bruising battle in the summer of 2011 for the extension of the U.S. Debt Ceiling. That process proved so dysfunctional that no one wanted a repeat in the final political battle of 2011, a battle to extend the payroll tax cut for about 160 million Americans.

Unlike a year ago, this time the House Republicans caved in. They had been boxed in by a more confident President who fought and won a tactical battle. The Republican nomination process has been a debacle of sorts, with fatally flawed candidates rising to the top of Republican polls and falling seemingly into political oblivion. With each turn, President Obama looked stronger and more capable.

But all this, we think, is more about optics than reality. The election of 2012 is likely to revolve around the condition of the U.S. economy barring a military conflict between Iran and America. But even the economy and discussion about how to improve it might be more optical and superficial than real. Why?

Because, there is a tectonic shift underway in American society. America used to be a society dominated by taxpayers. Since 1773, taxation and political representation have gone hand in hand in America. American society has been built on the premise of the American Government being responsible and responsive to American citizens about how America’s tax collections are spent. This is the core reason behind the almost uniquely American distrust of big Government.

This America is becoming passe. Today, about 48% of Americans do not pay any income taxes. So about 48% of Americans now take from the American government without contributing to it. Barack Obama is the first American President whose election symbolizes the united efforts of this half of American society. He knows it and that is why his economical policies, right from his inauguration, have been essentially distributive and oriented towards providing government resources to the less advantaged.

The American taxpayers instinctively understood that President Obama was engaged in transferring wealth from taxpayers to non-taxpayers. This realization led to the political explosion we call the Tea Party.  The 1773 Tea Party revolt was against Taxation without Political Representation. The 2010 Tea Party revolt was essentially against Political Representation without Taxation.

The taxpayers won the first battle in November 2010. The next important battle is the Presidential election in November 2012. That may be the last Presidential battle won by taxpayers in this long war. Because, the demographic tide is inexorably moving towards a majority of non-taxpayers in 2020 or perhaps by 2016.

In this setup, we see the Democratic party slowly morphing into a party of the non-taxpayers plus a slice of the very wealthy and the Republican party becoming the voice of the taxpayers who are unwilling to have their earnings taken away from them. The demographic tide, as we said, favors the Democratic party.
So we expect the Republicans, if they win the White House and keep effective control of the Congress, to take steps to build a policy framework for Less Representation for Non-Taxation. These steps might include changing electoral districts, making voting registrations difficult for non-taxpayers and even imposing minimum income tax levels (perhaps like the one already proposed by Congresswoman Michelle Bachman) on all Americans. We might see easier and increased immigration policies for wealthy and highly educated immigrants.

We see this battle shaping up as the central conflict or a civil war within American society during this decade. So any one who pines for a united, ‘can’t- we-all-get-along’ American society may be hoping against hope.

We feel so because we know of a similar battle on the other side of the world, a battle diametrically opposite to the one that will be fought in America. That battle is taking place in India.


India

As 2011 ends, we see Indian society in the grip of its own revolt, a revolt against widespread corruption in the government at all levels. But like in America, this reason is basically optics. The real reason for this revolt is the tectonic shift underway in Indian society, a 180 degree opposite shift to the one occurring in America.

Since its independence in 1947, Indian society has been a society dominated by non-taxpayers. Even today, about 75% of Indians do not pay any income tax at all. As a result, Indian Politics and Indian Government has been dominated by policies that distribute free services and goods, that seek to distribute income and wealth from people who earn to people who need.

The natural result has been corruption, endemic corruption:

  • corruption in the business class that tries to hide much of its income from tax collectors,
  • corruption in the administrative machinery that distributes government goodies to the poor, and
  • above all in the political class that seeks to build great personal wealth while in office after spending a lot to provide free goodies to gain political office.

The patient, quiet sufferers in this machine were and are the helpless middle class – the people who are unable to hide their income, the people who need services from the government – the middle class, especially the salaried middle class. But this hapless middle class has slowly but surely grown in size and confidence.

Today, this group is anywhere between 150-300 million strong, not strong enough to dominate Indian politics electorally but strong enough to create a revolt that can bring the Indian Government to its proverbial knees.  In 2011, this middle class got a leader that it can rally around – a symbol more than an actual leader, a Gandhian figure who lives a simple life and is above personal corruption.

The Congress Party, the party in power, is the leader of traditional Indian politics – giveaway policies and maintenance of vote banks by rural politicians who today are screaming bloody murder of parliamentary democracy by what they term as non-elected civil society.  The opposition parties, especially ones with a more urban political base, are supporting this revolt because it is their best chance to topple the Congress Party from power.

The political players in this war as not as clear cut as the two parties in the battle for political power in America. But the societal shift is the same and the demographic forces are arrayed similarly. The big difference is the direction and relative ascendancy.

There is an inexorable tide in Indian society towards higher income both in the urban and rural segments. Rise in incomes makes people more independent, more demanding of better conditions and prospects for a better future for their children. This is what they called the American Dream for the past century. People who strive for such a dream are willing to contribute to Government as long as their contributions are managed carefully and for the greater good by their chosen Government.

This inexorable tide is also reducing the societal chasm between various social segments or the Portuguese term “castes” imported by the British into India. Read what Lydia Polgreen of the New York Times wrote this week:

  • A recent analysis of government data by economists at the University of British Columbia found that the wage gap between other castes and Dalits has decreased to 21 percent, down from 36 percent in 1983, less than the gap between white male and black male workers in the United States. The education gap has been halved.

The battle we see in the streets of urban India, the battle seemingly against corruption, is really a battle of the rising middle class for greater control of their own tax payments, of greater say in the policies of the  Government elected by the poor rurals. Slowly rising rural incomes will bring in more rural participation in this revolt. So we expect this revolt to broaden out during this decade.

This long battle is the same battle as the one that will rage in America, but one that will look diametrically opposite.


America & India – How will they look in 2020?

India has always had a large, seemingly permanent underclass that dragged down the entire country. India has always seemed a hopeless cause, a society that would one day become great but never does. The precipitous fall in the Indian Rupee has united all the Indo-pessimists and perhaps rightly so. No country in the world seems so utterly dumb and incompetent as India does from time to time.

But we see clear evidence that, underneath the stupidity, the chaotic surface, the utter failure of all Indian Institutions, there is a major shift towards a stronger, richer, smarter and more confident society. And luck favors the diligent. The current collapse of the Indian Rupee may actually be just the medicine India needs to make Indian labor, Indian products, India’s services more competitive. The collapse of the Indian Rupee might be the medicine that forces Indian importers, including the Government, to become more efficient.

Sometimes, we think Chairman Bernanke & Secretary Tim Geithner might be looking at the fall in the Rupee and asking “why can’t the U.S. Dollar fall by 10%”? Not so precipitously of course, but slowly and inexorably. Because a weaker U.S. Dollar is a consummation they devoutly wish for. Because that is the medicine to make America’s underclass competitive in low level manufacturing.

Over the past 20 years, America has built up its own large and seemingly permanent underclass. This was ignored and glossed over in the technology bubble of the 1990s and during the credit bubble in the last decade. Now it cannot be ignored because it is on the verge of gaining long term political power.

In other words, America will begin to deal with the problem India has dealt with for the past 60 years. This may be a tougher problem for America. It never expected to have this problem. And this is a problem that has come about partly due to the best intentions of the American people.

But America will, after much loud and sometimes vitriolic debate, get around to finding solutions to its financial and societal problems. We feel confident that all segments of American society will take steps to get control of America’s debt, to cut down on wanton government spending. As American society again becomes financially lean by the middle of this decade, America, we believe, will once again welcome highly educated immigrants, the type that will tempt companies to move jobs to America.

So we see both America and India taking different looking steps to become stronger politically and economically in this decade. They can learn a great deal from each other. We think they already are and they will continue to do so.

Therefore, we are willing to bet, here and now, that despite their vividly obvious differences today, America and India will look a lot similar in 2020.

 

(This post originally appeared on Macro Viewpoints and has been republished with the approval of the author).